The final exam is an open-notes open-book exam:  You can bring in any sort of preparation material you'd like, including all your books, notes, or good-luck devices.  You cannot share readings or any other material with your classmates, though.  You can write the essays out on paper, or you can compose the essays on your laptop.  If you use your laptop, plan to come in early enough to capture one of the wall outlets, and plan at evening's end to email the exam to me and burn a copy to a CD for me.  Obviously save a copy on your computer.

The exam will be TUESDAY DECEMBER 11 6:00-8:40 in the usual classroom.  Please do not forget the exam time or sleep late.  Please do not arrive late; of course the parking will be tight on an exam night, and if your primary route to campus is ever likely to be clogged this will indeed be the night the road is closed by an accident or a slow-moving herd of geese walking across the street, so give yourself the time to get in well before class.  If you do not attend, you will not receive credit for the exam.

The final exam will include several essays drawn from the material here.  The final exam questions may be exactly as they appear here, or they may be somewhat modified.  You may also see some questions that are not covered here at all, so be certain you have complete notes for the entire semester.  Email me if you have any questions.

1.  Gina Gibau discussed the complications of a "native" anthropology.  How did she define a "native" anthropology?  Based on her examples and the case studies of Jacobs-Huey and Garcia, identify some of the challenges and strengths of a "native" anthropology.  If you were to conduct a "native" anthropology, precisely who would you study, and how did you define native?

2. Dickerson-Putman described the role of anthropologists in Micronesia between 1947 and 1958 as "culture brokers":  What does that mean?  How did the US government hope anthropology would portray Micronesians, and why did they favor that representation?  What is the "advocate anthropology" that is today being practiced by anthropologists working in the Marshall Islands?

3. Using an example drawn from the David Lowenthal reading, how can the past be "dangerous" in a way like Larry Zimmerman described? 

4.  Exactly what form of community is fashioned by the internet relationships Williams described in her Kenyan-Indianapolis internet exchange project?  What can be the role of the internet in addressing HIV/AIDS in places like South Africa?

5. What are the factors that Rick Ward said are used to determine if a face is "abnormal"?  How can anthropometry be used to assess the ways in which a face is statistically distinct from normality?  What are some of the potential drawbacks of such an assessment?

6. How did Sue Hyatt define an "activist anthropology"?  What is the methodology for an activist anthropology?  How did Hyatt's research in Indiana prisons propose to effect change among students and residents, and just what concrete changes can anthropology hope to foster?

7. How does Yvonne Marshall define a "community archaeology"?  Specifically how does community archaeology distribute power in ways that are different from stereotypical academic research relations?

8. What constitutes applied anthropology in a museum context?  What sorts of positions are available in a museum, and in what ways are they anthropological?

9. How could an archaeology project on the IUPUI campus be engaged?  Specifically what ways can archaeology change how various constituencies perceive the campus and neighborhood heritage?  Is the effort to illuminate ideologies like racism or inequality an appropriate goal for archaeology? 

10. What does it mean for an anthropologist to be "engaged"?  How have various concepts used in the class--activist anthropology, advocate anthropology, and native anthropology--structured particular forms of political engagement?

Last updated November 27, 2007